Ċifri maħruġa dan l-aħħar mill-Eurostat dwar kemm iqum ix-xogħol fil-pajjiżi membri tal-Unjoni Ewropea juri li f’Malta, in-nefqa fuq ħaddiema u impjegati (wara li tneħħi minnhom dawk li huma fil-biedja u fl-amministrazzjoni publika) hi anqas min-nofs il-medja taż-żona tal-ewro. Ikkalkolata skont kemm ix-xogħol qed jiġi jqum kull siegħa, fiż-żona tal-ewro bħala medja fis-sena 2017, l-ispiża kienet ta’ 30.3 ewro. F’Malta laħqet “biss” 14 ewro.

Din l-ispiża tinkludi l-ħlasijiet li jagħmlu l-impriżi imma li ma jmorrux fil-paga tal-ħaddiema… l-aktar bħala kontribuzzjonijiet soċjali. F’Malta, is-sehem ta’ kontribuzzjonijiet soċjali u ħlasijiet simili fl-ispiża tax-xogħol hu l-anqas fl-Ewropa: 6.7 fil-mija tal-ispiża kollha. L-ogħla sehem jintlaħaq fi Franza: 32.8 fil-mija tal-ispiża fuq xogħol tittieħed minn ħlasijiet soċjali.

Iqumu mistoqsijiet interessanti.

Kif qed jiġri li minkejja t-tkabbir ekonomiku qawwi li ninsabu għaddejjin minnu, l-prezz tax-xogħol imqabbel mal-bqija tal-Ewropa baqa’ daqshekk baxx?

Kemm jistgħu l-imprendituri jibqgħu jirreżistu żidiet fil-kontribuzzjonijiet soċjali tagħhom meta fl-isfond Ewropew, jidher li qed iġorru l-iċken piż?

KOMPROMESSI

Fi klima soċjali fejn jidher li teżisti maġġoranza enormi fil-pajjiz kontra l-introduzzjoni tal-abort, jinħassu kurjużi (jew forsi komiċi) l-kompromessi li jsiru biex jiġu evitati suspetti li jittimbraw lil dawn jew lil dawk bħala favur l-abort.

Il-gvern innifsu per eżempju. Qed jipproponi li jibdel il-liġi tal-IVF biex tippermetti l-iffriżar tal-embrijuni (kif messha għamlet mill-bidu nett). Ried jilqa’ madankollu għax-xilja li mhux qed jiddefendi lill-embrijuni li jibqgħu ma “jintużawx” – nuqqas li jista’ jitqabbel mal-abort skont xi wħud. Allura qed jipproponi li għall-embrijuni “żejda” għandhom jinstabu koppji biex jaddottawhom.

Imbagħad kellna s-suġġeriment ġenjali ta’ opinjonist stmat mil-lemin li jgħix f’pajjiż fejn l-abort ilu aċċettat żmien u għomor. Li għandu jsir qal, hu li malli x-xjenza jirnexxilha tiżviluppa ġuf artifiċjali, kull fejn iqum il-bżonn tal-abort, l-embrijun fertilizzat involut jitneħħa u jitpoġġa f’dal-ġuf artifiċjali biex jilħaq hemm id-destin tiegħu li jsir bniedem.

IL-VAT

Il-verità hi li l-VAT bħala taxxa la hi waħda sempliċi, u lanqas daqstant adattata għall-impriżi ż-żgħar. Ir-raġuni li nfirxet mal-Ewropa kienet waħda politika: tqieset bħala l-aħjar sistema kif il-kummerċ jista’ jiġi ntaxxat b’mod li jdaħħal għaqda akbar fit-tmexxija tas-suq wieħed Ewropew.

Sadattant, sostanzjalment il-biċċa l-kbira tan-negozju baqgħet titmexxa minn impriżi ċkejkna, preċiżament dawk li l-aktar jinqarsu bit-tħaddim tal-VAT.

U twieldet it-teknoloġija diġitali li malajr, invadiet tista’ tgħid l-oqsma ekonomiċi kollha. In-negozju li jsir permezz ta’ dit-teknoloġija jaħrab minn ħafna mill-kondizzjonijiet li bihom il-VAT tiġi applikata.

Iż-żmien wasal għal riforma fil-mod kif titħaddem il-VAT.

English Version – The cost of labour

Data recently issued by Eurostat regarding labour costs in the EU show that in Malta, spending on workers and employees (excluding those in agriculture and public administration) is less than half the euro zone average. On the basis of hourly labour costs, the average for 2017 in the euro zone stood at 30.3 euros. In Malta it “only” reached 14 euros.

The outlay includes those payments made by enteprises that do not go directly to employees: mostly social security and similar contributions. In Malta the share of such contributions in total labour costs is less than anywhere else in Europe: 6.7 percent of total costs. The share is highest in France: 32.8 percent of labour costs are accounted for by social outlays.

Some interesting questions follow.

What explanation is there for the fact that though we are experiencing such a strong rate of economic growth, compared to European rates, our labour costs have stayed so low?

How can local entrepreneurs continue to resist increases in their social contributions when on this account, it appears that compared to their counterparts in the rest of Europe, they carry the least burdens?

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Curious compromises

Given a social climate where it appears that an enormous majority of people in the country is against abortion, the compromises which are resorted to in order to avoid being labelled as pro-abortion can become quite curious (or perhaps comic).

Take the government, for instance. It is proposing to amend the IVF law to allow the freezing of embryos (something the law should have permitted right from the start). However the government also did not want to be accused of failing to defend those embryos which would not be “used” – a failure that would be projected as a step towards abortion. So it is proposing that “excess” embryos should be allocated to couples prepared to adopt them.

Then we had the genial suggestion by an esteemed right wing pundit who lives in a country where the practice of abortion was accepted ages ago. What should be done, he said, is to wait till science has advanced enough to create and sustain an artificial womb, and then when the demand for abortion arises, to remove the unwanted fertilised embryo and place it in an artificial womb, thereby allowing it to attain its destiny of becoming a person.

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VAT

The truth is that VAT as a tax is neither simple, nor so suited to the operations of smes. The reason why it has taken such a firm root in Europe is political. It was considered as the best way by which to tax trade flows such that there would greater cohesion in the management of the single European market.

Meanwhile, in the main, trade is still substantially run by smes, which are precisely those units that are penalised by the VAT system.

Morover, digital technology has invaded practically all economic sectors. Yet trade conducted on its basis runs outside the parameters set for the application of VAT.

The time has come for reforms in the way by which VAT is operated.

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