Svizzera fl-Atlantiku

Fl-aħħar wasalna fiż-żmien meta l-Brexit se jiġi negozjat. Id-diskussjonijiet se jkunu komplessi u nibża’ diffiċli. Min-naħa tal-Ewropej (minkejja kull ma jgħidu) hemm sens ta’ rabja u tpattija; min-naħa tal-Brittaniċi (minkejja kull ma jgħidu) sens ta’ sfida u arroganza.
Iż-żewġ sentimenti huma żbaljati u perikolużi. Il-poplu Brittaniku ħa deċiżjoni politika f’referendum li kull min ivvota kien jaf xi jfisser. Jien wieħed minn dawk li ma jemmnux fis-siwi tal-għodda tar-referendum, imma l-ebda forza politika fir-Renju Unit ma kkontestatu. Mela d-deċiżjoni li ttieħdet permezz tiegħu hi waħda li demokratikament, torbot. U suppost li aħna l-Ewropej nemmnu fid-demokrazija.
Li jrid isir issa hu li f’rispett tad-deċiżjoni tal-poplu Brittaniku, u fl-aħjar interess tal-popli Ewropej kontinentali, jinżammu b’mod ċivili, ġust u trasparenti, in-negozjati dwar id-divorzju u x’se jiġri wara li jkun seħħ.
Nifhem mill-informazzjoni li ħarġet sa issa xi jrid ir-Renju Unit: li jkun Svizzera fl-Atlantiku. Se naraw f’li ġej, jekk dak li kien possibbli sa għoxrin sena/għaxar snin ilu, għadux possibbli llum.
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Servizzi Finanzjarji
Operaturi fil-qasam tas-servizzi finanzjarji f’Malta għadhom mhumiex jifhmu sew kif il-klima politika fl-Ewropa qed iddur kontra l-mod kif żviluppa sa issa dal-qasam.
Hemm żewġ fatturi li se jkomplu jirromblaw: l-ewwel, il-ħsieb li s-servizzi finanzjarji qed jintużaw għal ħidma ma taqta’ xejn biex nies tal-flus u kumpaniji kbar, jevitaw li jħallsu t-taxxi dovuti minnhom; u t-tieni, li s-sistema ta’ tassazzjoni f’pajjiżi differenti (inkluża Malta) qed tintuża biex issir kompetizzjoni inġusta fl-attrazzjoni ta’ investimenti u fondi.
Għal dan kollu, it-tweġiba għandha tkun favur trasparenza sħiħa. Imma aktar ma jgħaddi ż-żmien, aktar l-argument qed ixaqleb lil hinn minn hekk. It-trasparenza qed tinbidel f’sejħa biex l-istruttura ta’ taxxi f’kull pajjiż tal-Ewropa tieħu l-istess sura. Miżura bħal din toħloq problemi għal ekonomiji taċ-ċokon ta’ Malta, aktar profondi minn dawk li se jkun qed jiffaċċja l-qasam tas-servizzi finanzjarji.
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Kunflitti ta’ interess
Hu minnu li f’pajjiżna għadu fjakk is-sentiment li rridu nħarsu t-tmexxija publika mill-konflitti ta’ interess. Kif naraha jien, dawn il-konflitti – reali jew potenzjali – għadhom jiżgħudu d-deċiżjonijiet li jittieħdu, tkun liema tkun l-amministrazzjoni, u in parti minħabba l-istess ċokon ta’ Malta.
Imma toqgħod tinnota: hawn biss teżisti din l-inkuranza lejn konflitti ta’ dat-tip?
Ejja nieħdu l-Parlament Ewropew. In-negozjatur magħżul tal-Parlament għall-Brexit hu Guy Verhofstadt, il-mexxej tal-grupp liberali, eks Prim Ministru tal-Belġju. Dan għandu numru ta’ konsulenzi mħallsa ma’ sorsi privati li ma jiddikjarax liem huma. Tagħmel sens dil-ħaġa? Dażgur li le.

English Version – Switzerland in the Atlantic

Finally we’ve arrived at the point when Brexit will have to be negotiated. Discussions will be complex and I’m afraid quite tough. On the side of the Europeans (no matter what they say) the sentiment is also one of anger and payback. On the British side (no matter what they say) it is one of defiance and arrogance.

The two attitudes are wrong and dangerous. The British people arrived at a political decision via a referendum whose significance all participants were aware of. I am one of those who disagree that referenda are a worthwhile political tool, but no political force in the UK contested the legitimacy of the Brexit referendum. So, from a democratic perspective, the decision taken on its basis is a binding one. And Europeans are supposed to believe in democracy.

What now needs to be done is that while respecting the decision of the British people, but in the best interests of the peoples of continental Europe, civil, fair and transparent negotiations are held to cover the upcoming divorce, as well as the final settlement resulting from it.

From the information available as of now one can see that the UK is aiming to achieve the status of a Switzerland in the Atlantic. In what follows, we shall see whether what was possible twenty to ten years ago, is feasible today.

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Financial services

Operators in the field of financial services in Malta still fail to understand how the political mood in Europe is swinging against the turn that developments in this sector have taken.

Two factors will continue to define the situation: the belief, first, that financial services are being used to support an unending effort by rich people and big companies to avoid paying their taxes; and secondly, that the tax system of a number of countries (Malta included) are serving to create unfair competition when promoting new investment or attracting funds.

To all this, one response is required: an overriding commitment in favour of transparency. But with time, claims have pressed beyond this point. Transparency has morphed into a call that would lever the tax structure of all European countries into the same template. Such an approach creates problems for economies the size of Malta’s. These would go much deeper that the difficulties to be faced by the financial services sector.

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Conflicts of interest

True: in this country, the idea that we should guard against conflicts of interest in public affairs has weak recognition. As I see it, these conflicts – whether real or potential – as of now, clog the decisions that are taken, independently of which administration is running the show. In part, a reason for this is Malta’s minute dimension.

On the other hand, one could make the point: does this carelessness about conflicts of intereests exist only here?

Take the European Parliament. The person chosen to negotiate Brexit terms on its behalf is Guy Verhofstadt, the leader of the Liberal group and ex-Prime Minister of Belgium. He holds a number of private sector consultancies and he has not divulged which they are. Does this make sense? Of course not.