Sa ftit taż-żmien ilu, l-età ta’ sittin kienet titqies bħala l-età tal-pensjoni. Għas-sittin anniversarju tal-Unjoni Ewropea iżda, id-diskors ma kienx dwar kif l-Unjoni se tgawdi żmien ta’ mistrieħ mistħoqq, imma kif se jiġi żgurat li tinżamm ħajja u tkompli tiffjorixxi.
L-ewwel tletin sena tagħha kienu mimlija suċċess, minkejja d-diffikultajiet tal-ewwel snin. Inħoloq suq komuni, l-ekonomija tal-Ewropa tal-punent ġarrbet progress qawwi, u fuq kollox, il-paċi fiż-żona ġiet sostnuta. Dawk li jsostnu li dan ġara minħabba n-NATO jinsew li l-gwerer Ewropej il-kbar mhux mar-Russja skattaw, imma bejn il-Ġermanja u Franza.
It-tieni tletin sena tal-Unjoni madankollu kienu anqas inkoraġġanti, u dan waqt li l-intenzjonijiet tal-membri tagħha saru aktar ambizzjużi. L-Unjoni rabbiet poter artab (“soft power”) liema bħalu. Attirat lejha tista’ tgħid lill-istati Ewropej kollha ħlief ir-Russja. Imma l-wegħdi li għamlet lill-popli ta’ progress u prosperità sa issa għadhom ma sarux realtà għal ħafna u ħafna nies.
ĦELSIEN
Dnub li d-diskussjoni fl-Ewropa dwar is-sovranità nazzjonali – effettivament il-ħelsien tal-popli – tħalliet f’idejn il-partiti u l-movimenti hekk imsejħa “populisti”, “estremisti” jew “sovranisti”. Bħallikieku l-Ewropa mhijiex l-Ewropa tan-nazzjonijiet. Dan jagħtiha l-karattru tagħha. L-għaqda Ewropea tal-lum jew ta’ għada ma jirnexxilhiex tafferma ruħha jekk tinjora dal-fatt.
Id-diskussjoni messha tkun dwar kif l-għaqda Ewropea tista’ tinżamm kompatibbli mal-ħelsien nazzjonali. Tqanqlu fija dawn il-ħsebijiet hekk kif erġajt qrajt xi kitbiet ta’ Giuseppe Mazzini, protagonist illum minsi fl-isforzi għall-għaqda tal-Italja. Għandu ħafna x’jgħallimna dwar kif il-ħelsien nazzjonali hu pedament Ewropew li ma jistax jitħalla jitmermer.
Ir-riflessjoni tgħodd għal dil-ġimgħa meta qed tiġi kommemorata l-festa pjuttost żvalutata, ta’ Jum il-Ħelsien.
KARITÀ
Għaddewli kopja ta’ ktieb interessanti ħafna maħruġ fis-sena 1912 bħala parti mis-sensiela li kien joħroġ Alfons Maria Galea msejħa “Mogħdija taż-Żmien”. Il-ktieb (volum irqiq kull ma hu) jagħti deskrizzjoni tal-istituti ta’ karità immexxija mill-gvern u dawk immexxija mill-privat, fosthom il-Knisja. Effettivament dawn l-istituti kienu jmexxu l-politika soċjali ta’ dak iż-żmien, indirizzata l-aktar biex tkun imtejba il-ħajja tal-“fqar”.
“Il-Carità f’Malta u Ghaudex” (kien “jimbieh” tliet soldi) jippovdi storja fil-qosor ta’ kif żviluppaw dawn l-istituti minn żmien il-Kavalieri. Id-dettalji mogħtija dwar kif kienu jaħdmu fil-bidu tas-seklu l-ieħor juru kemm kienu għadhom primittivi l-istrutturi ta’ għajnuna soċjali.
Biss l-akbar bidla minn dakinhar għal-lum li tħoss int u taqrah naħseb toħroġ miċ-ċaqliq f’mentalità. Fl-1912, il-ħidma soċjali kienet mitqiesa l-aktar bħala dover personali ta’ karità nisranija, anke meta l-gvern kien jinvolvi ruħu fil-ħarsien tas-saħħa publika. Illum inqisuha bħala parti integrali mill-impenn publiku.

English Version – Age: 60

Not so long ago, sixty was considered to be the pensionable age. However for the sixtieth anniversary of the EU, the discussion did not focus on how to ensure that the Union would enjoy the restful time it deserved, as much as how to keep it going and flourishing.

Its first 30 years were most successful, despite early troubles. A common market was established, the economy of western Europe experienced strong growth, and most importantly, peace within the area was safeguarded. Those who claim that this last happened thanks to NATO, overlook the point that the big European wars did not result from conflict with Russia, but from clashes between France and Geermany.

However the Union’s second thirty years were less encouraging, even as the aims of its members became more ambitious. The EU accumulated significant soft power. It drew towards its fold practically all European states outside Russia. But the promises it made regarding the progress and prosperity of European peoples are still pending with regard to many, many citizens.

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Freedom

It’s a pity that so-called “populist”, “extremist” and “sovereignist” parties have been allowed to take over the discussion in Europe covering national sovereignty – which effectively relates to the freedom of people. As if Europe is not in fact, a Europe of nations. Which is what gives it its own particular character. The united Europe of today or tomorrow will not stay in business if it ignores this basic fact.

The discussion had best focus on how European unity must remain compatible with national freedom. These considerations came to mind as I reread some essays written by Giuseppe Mazzini, a protagonist of the efforts to create a united Italy; today he is almost forgotten. Yet he can still teach us a lot about how national freedom is a founding stone of the European identity which must not be left to crumble.

The point holds even more this week when the Freedom Day holiday, though now somewhat discounted, is being observed.

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Charity

I was passed a copy of a very interesting book published in 1912 as part of a series issued by Alfons Maria Galea entitled “Mogħdija taż-Żmien” (“Leisure Time”). The book (or rather booklet) describes the charitable institutes that were run at the time by the government and by the private sector, mostly the Church. In reality, these institutes were in charge of the social policy of the time, and aimed in the main to improve the lot of the “poor”.

“Il-Carità f’Malta u Ghaudex” (“Charity in Malta and Gozo” selling for three pence) provided a short account of how the institutes developed since the days of the Order of St John. The details made available about their operations at the beginning of the previous century show how the structures of social support were then still quite primitive.

Yet, the most important change that has taken place since then, and you feel it as you read the text, is a shift in mindset. In 1912, social action was still considered largely as a personal duty, mobilised via a commitment based on Christian charity, and this even when the government was directly involved in running public health services. Today, we consider a wide range of social policy initiatives as an integral part of the public domain.

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