Ilu li wasal iż-żmien li tinkiteb l-istorja tal-ekonomija moderna ta’ Malta mit-tmiem tat-Tieni Gwerra Dinjija sal-lum. Narrattivi mifruxa dwar żviluppi politiċi u anke soċjali ssib, għalkemm ma jkoprux il-medda kollha ta’ żmien li semmejt.
Storja simili miktuba b’mod komprensiv li tiddeskrivi kif iffunzjonaw u nbidlu l-istrutturi ekonomiċi tal-gżejjer tagħna baqgħet ma dehritx sa fejn naf jien. Dnub. Darba ilu, Lino Briguglio ħareġ ktieb li telaq għal parti minn din it-triq. Miż-żmien li ġie pubblikat, ix-xenarju nbidel mill-qiegħ.
Idealment in-narrattiva għal storja bħal din trid tibbaża ruħha bla waqfien fuq statistika ekonomika li tixhed ir-riżultati miksuba matul id-deċennji. Trid torbotha ma’ spjega ta’ x’kienu l-linji ta’ politika li ntgħażlu. Trid iddaħħal fl-istess nisġa żviluppi differenti, mill-użu tal-Fond tal-War Damage fis-snin ta’ wara l-gwerra biex tiġi stimolata l-ekonomija; għall-iżvilupp ta’ industrija ħafifa u turiżmu fis-snin sittin u sebgħin; sal-wasla ta’ servizzi “ġodda” tul l-aħħar ħamsa u għoxrin sena. Dan kollu fl-isfond ta’ stili ta’ tmexxija governattiva li varjaw mid-diriġiżmu għal liberaliżmu inkuranti.
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Turkija
Inkwetanti t-taqlib li qed iseħħ fit-Turkija. Fuq il-front tal-politika interna, il-President Erdogan ma rnexxilux iġib żewġ terzi ta’ deputati fil-Parlament biex ikun jista’ jibdel il-kostituzzjoni. Minflok, il-partit tiegħu qed isibha diffiċli biex jifforma gvern ta’ koalizzjoni. Il-Kurdi issa jinsabu fil-Parlament fi ħdan partit kostituzzjonali li miegħu Erdogan ftit irid kliem.
Fuq il-front barrani, l-estremisti iżlamiċi tal-ISIS irnexxielhom idaħħlu feles fi ħdan is-soċjetà Torka. Veru li t-Turkija ngħaqdet mal-koalizzjoni ta’ kontrihom, imma fl-istess waqt reġgħet ipprovokat vjolenza qawwija mal-estremisti Kurdi. Wieħed ma jistax jeskludi li dan l-impass hu marbut mal-impass l-ieħor parlamentari.
Il-President Erdogan għamel ħafna ġid lit-Turkija kemm ilu fil-poter. L-isfidi li għandu quddiemu llum huma fost l-aktar iebsa li ffaċċja sa issa. Nittama li jegħlibhom bla ma jtappan il-kisbiet sostanzjali tal-karriera tiegħu.
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Ix-xellug Ewropew
Il-kontroversja fil-midja Brittaniċi dwar kif żvolġiet l-elezzjoni tal-mexxej tal-Partit Laburista fir-Renju Unit tirrifletti l-kuntradizzjonijiet li jinsab maqbud fihom ix-xellug Ewropew.
Biex jirbħu l-elezzjonijiet, tax-xellug iridu jattiraw il-voti tal-“moderati”, jew “ċentristi”. Biex jagħmlu dan, kellhom jaddottaw linji ta’ politika taċ-ċentru lemin. Malli jagħmlu hekk, jirbħu jew jitilfu l-elezzjonijiet, ftit jibqa’ differenza bejn il-politika tax-xellug u tal-lemin.
Jekk it-tmexxija tax-xellug mill-gvern tirnexxi, il-votanti xellugin jispiċċaw diżillużi; aktar u aktar jekk ma tirnexxix.
Sadattant, il-votanti taċ-ċentru ma jsibu l-ebda raġuni għaliex għandhom ikunu leali lejn ix-xellug biex dan iwettaq politika ċentrista/leminija, meta jkunu jeżistu partiti leminin li jħaddnuha b’mod aktar awtentiku.
English Version – Malta’s economic history
The time has long come for somebody to write a history of the Maltese economy in modern times, say from the end of the Second World War to right now. Extended narratives about political and even social developments are available although they do not cover the full extent of the period mentioned.
As far as I know, we still await a similar history which describes comprehensively how economic structures in the Maltese island functioned and changed. Pity. A long time ago, Lino Briguuglio published a book which went part way down this road. Since then, the economic scenario has altered radically.
Ideally the narative for such a history would have to be continually grounded in economic statistics which benchmark the results obtained over the decades. It would need to link them to an explanation of the policy choices that were made. It would have to integrate in the same storyline, contrasting developments, from the use of the War Damage Fund to kickstart the economy during the post-War years; to the growth of light industry and tourism during the sixties and seventies of the previous century; to the introduction of “new” services during the last twenty five years.
All this against the background of a varying mix of styles in government management, ranging from dirigisme to a careless liberalism.
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Turkey
Turkey’s current malaise is worrisome. On the internal front, President Erdogan failed to obtain the two thirds of MPs in Parliament he needed to change the Constituton. Instead, his party has found it difficult to form a coalition government. The Kurds are now represented in Parliament via a party that is constitutionally recognised and with which Erdogan prefers to have limited relations.
On the external front, the Islamic extremists of ISIS have succeeded to drive a wedge within Turkish society. It is true that Turkey has now joined the coalition against ISIS but meanwhile, it has also triggered strong violent action against Kurdish extremists. It cannot be excluded that there’s link between this impasse and the one on the parliamentary front.
Since attaining power, President Erdogan has been responsible for much progress in Turkey. The challenges that he now faces are among the toughest that he’s had to overcome. I hope he succeeds again without undermining the substantial achievements of his career.
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The European Left
The controversies in the British media about the election of a new leader for the Labour Party in the UK reflect the contradictions that the European left has been caught in.
To win elections, the left must seduce “moderate” or “centrist” voters. To do so, the left had to adopt centre-right policies. As soon as it did this, whether elections were won or lost, little difference remained between what was left and right in policy making.
If the left were a success in government, left voters would still end up disillusioned; even more so if it failed.
Meanwhile, “moderate” voters find no reason to be loyal to the left so it can implement centre-right policies, since other right wing parties exist which would anyway implement the same policies in a more authentic way.
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