Aħjar bl-ewro?

GWERER KULTURALI

Aktar ma nara x’inhu jiġri madwarna, f’Malta u barra, aktar tikbirli t-tentazzjoni naħseb li biċċa kbira mill-ħidma politika tikkonsisti f’manuvrar kulturali. Tammonta għal sforz biex permezz tad-deċiżjonijiet li jittieħdu fil-kamp politiku, jiġi sostnut is-sentiment ta’ superjorità fuq il-bqija tal-pajjiż li jħoss dan jew dak is-saff tas-soċjetà.

Konklużjoni bħal din tmur kontra t-teżijiet materjalisti tal-marksiżmu pereżempju. Għalihom, huma determinanti l-fatturi li jwasslu għal dominanza fuq it-tmexxija ekonomika u fuq kif jitqassam il-ġid materjali.

F’Malta għaddejja ħidma bla waqfien li tgħaddas lil pajjiżna ’l isfel fil-qasam tas-servizzi finanzjarji. Tista’ tispiċċa teqred il-mezzi ta’ għajxien ta’ nies qrib ħafna dawk li qed imexxu dil-kampanja. Ħadd fosthom ma jgħid daqshekk biżżejjed.

Forsi dan jiġri għax waqt li jifhmu kif huma jbatu jekk jinqered il-vantaġġ ekonomiku li jgawdu minnu, l-istess nies iqisu kif ukoll, tista’ terġa’ tissaħħaħ id-dominanza “kulturali” tagħhom, li xxaqqet sew fl-aħħar deċennji.

BIDLIET ISTITUZZJONALI

Fi Brussell għadha qawwija l-fehma li bħalissa hu l-aħjar żmien – meta l-ekonomija Ewropea tidher sejra għat-tajjeb u l-populiżmu jinsab “taħt kontroll” – biex jittieħdu inizjattivi li jsaħħu t-tmexxija tal-Unjoni Ewropea. Il-Kummissjoni għadha kemm ħarġet dokument ieħor fejn qed issemmi x’jista’ jsir biex iseħħu bidliet istituzzjonali “meħtieġa”.

Il-proposti tagħha jallinejaw ruħhom ma’ tal-Parlament Ewropew (jew maġġoranza tiegħu) għax isostnu li l-ispitzenkandidat tal-Partit li jtella’ l-aktar deputati fil-Parlament Ewropew għandu jinħatar President tal-Kummissjoni li jmiss. Niddubita ħafna jekk fil-Kunsill Ewropew hemmx l-istess fehma soda.

Aktar diskutibbli hi l-proposta tal-Kummissjoni biex l-istess President tagħha jinħatar ukoll President tal-Kunsill Ewropew. Ħaġa bħal din tikkonċentra wisq poter fi ħdan il-Kummissjoni u tidhirli li hi prematura ħafna, anzi żbaljata.

AĦJAR BL-EWRO?

Wara diskussjonijiet li ħadt sehem fihom il-ġimgħa l-oħra dwar Malta u l-ewro, kien hemm min staqsieni, morna aħjar bl-ewro? It-tweġiba tiddependi bil-kbir minn x’se nifhmu bl-“aħjar”?

Ifisser li maġġoranza tal-Maltin iħossuhom tajjeb bl-ewro? Li għandhom stendards ta’ għajxien ħafna aħjar minn qabel u li ma kienx ikollhom mingħajru?

Ifisser li l-ewro daħħal klima ta’ sigurtà ekonomika u finanzjarja li qabel ma kellniex hekk li l-ekonomija tal-pajjiż għamlet progress li ma kenitx tagħmel mingħajr l-ewro?

Ifisser li l-ewro fetaħ opportunitajiet ġodda għall-poplu u għall-ekonomija tagħna, waqt li saħħaħ bla xkiel ta’ xejn il-finanzi tal-gvern u l-qagħda soċjali tal-pajjiż?

Hemm żewġ modi kif tirrispondi għal dawn il-mistoqsijiet.

Jew billi tperreċ id-domma li temmen fiha dwar l-ewro, favur, kontra. Jew billi b’mod kritiku tifli x’ġara fiż-żona tal-ewro u fl-ekonomija Maltija fl-aħħar għaxar snin.

English Version – Cultural wars

The more I see how things are now developing, here and abroad, increasingly the temptation is to conclude that political initiative is taking the shape of cultural manoeuvering. It adds up to an effort by which decisions reached in the political sphere aim to sustain the sentiment of superiority over the rest of the country felt by certain strata of the society.

Such a conclusion would contradict the materialist theses of Marxism, for instance. On their basis, the determining factors for decisions would relate to dominance over the economic apparatus and over how the material wealth being created is allocated.

In Malta, incessant attempts are being carried out to undermine the country’s financial services sector. This could end up destroying the livelihood of people quite close to the leaders of this ongoing campaign. Still none of them have said that enough is enough.

Perhaps this happens because while they understand that they will be the first to suffer if the economic advantage they benefit from now is wiped out, still the same people consider too that as a result, there would again be a revival of their “cultural” dominance, which has been greatly downsized in recent decades.

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Institutional changes

In Brussels, people still strongly believe that this is the best of times – while the European economy seems to be gaining traction and when populism is “under control” – for new initiatives to be taken in order to strengthen the EU’s management structures. The Commission has just presented another document which lists what can be done to implement “needed” institutional changes.

Its proposals are aligned with those of the European Parliament (or a majority therein) for they maintain that the spitzenkandidat of that party which elects most MEPs to the European Parliament should head the next Commission as its President. I doubt very much whether in the European Council the feeling goes so strongly in this direction.

More questionable is the Commission’s proposal for its own future President to be also appointed President of the European Council. Such a procedure would concentrate too much power within the Commission and seems to me to be premature, indeed plain wrong.

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Is it better with the euro?

Having taken part last week in public discussions about Malta and the euro, I met people who asked me – have we done any better with the euro (as our currency)? The reply depends on what one wants to understand by “better”.

Does it mean that the euro has made the majority of the Maltese population feel good? That they enjoy today living standards much superior to what they had previously and which would not have been achievable without the euro?

Does it mean that the euro has given rise to a climate of economic and finanancial security which was inexistent previously, so that the island’s economy has made progress it would not have been able to achieve without the euro?

Does it mean that the euro has opened up new opportunities for people and the economy, while easily boosting government finances and social conditions in the country at large?

There two ways by which to respond to these questions.

One could stick to the dogma about the euro one believes in, pro or con. Alternatively, one could critically review all that has happened in the eurozone and in the Maltese economy during the last ten years.